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The Justice Committee was not convinced that criminalization would reduce prostitution, but still recommended the bill. Men tended to argue that this was a social, not criminal, matter, and that the bill intruded on self-determination, while the women argued that prostitution was incompatible with a social order embracing gender equity.

They saw prostitution as patriarchal oppression, and therefore, not a free will choice, although there was less unanimity over what should be done. The uniqueness of the proposal was emphasised, all of which took place at an ideological level, with no appeal to empiricism, which was explicitly rejected.

Sweden has proportional representation and a multi-party system. Social Democrats [42] dominated Swedish politics for most of the last century, but formed a minority left-of- center government during this time, with support from the Centre Party.

The Moderate conservative Party [44] and Liberals [45] opposed the policy, while the Christian Democrats [46] abstained. The Liberals argued that prostitution would be merely pushed underground, while the Christian Democrats wanted both the sale and purchase of sex criminalized. While maintaining that this was not about women's sexuality, the supporters of the bill claimed that women should control their own bodies, and that this was about men's access to women's bodies.

Feminists and women's movements had carried out considerable lobbying for criminalizing purchase, but in the end, it was the women's groups within the parliamentary parties that were responsible for the success of the legislation, crossing and even defying their own party lines. However, this was not as homogeneous as is sometimes perceived. Moderate women never joined the movement, and both Moderate and a number of Liberal women opposed the bill.

Most of the parliamentary debate was undertaken by women, which Ulrika Lorentzi, former editor of the feminist magazine Bang , referred to as the "Sex Wars".

The women's movement had prostitution high on its agenda, criminalization of purchase had been on that agenda for a hundred years, and there was little opposition to this. However, ensuing public debates revealed that even Swedish women were divided on the approach that had been taken. For the women, this was a test case of their ability to come together as a caucus and push through a women's agenda over the wishes of male colleagues. Messing's agenda was expansive: In addition to the Ministry and Ombudsman, equality issues lay with the parliamentary Gender Equality Committee , and a unit was created at the Department of Labour.

Legislation was created in In this case, the women's agencies were seen as not being supportive of the women's movement which had become increasingly coalesced around the demand for criminalizing the client, but rather, pursuing equality in a more impartial mode. The Minister, however, essentially championed the proposal both inside and outside of the Riksdag, and therefore, it may be argued that women's political agencies played an indirect role through the profile of the office and minister.

Arguments as to action varied across a spectrum from no action, criminalizing both partners, to criminalizing the client. Opponents expressed concern that criminalization would drive prostitution underground, and was symbolic rather than realistic. Other concerns were expressed about the state of legislation and practice in the rest of the EU, including a fear of contamination of Sweden, and that this would send a message to Europe against liberalization.

Other aspects of this included concerns about trafficking. The Swedish Government states that the reason behind this legislation is the importance to society of fighting prostitution. Prostitution is considered to cause serious harm both to individuals and to society as a whole. Large-scale crime, including human trafficking for sexual purposes, assault, procuring and drug-dealing, is also commonly associated with prostitution.

The vast majority of those in prostitution also have very difficult social circumstances. The law is in accordance with Sweden's gender equality programme. However, the law is politically constructed, discussed, and enforced in the context of women selling sex to men. The Swedish Government believes that women selling "sexual services" to men constitutes a form of violence against women which should be eliminated by reducing demand.

Demand for women's sexual "services" is constructed as a form of male dominance over women, and as a practice which maintains patriarchal hegemony. This legal and social approach to prostitution, which has become known as the "Swedish Model" or more recently the "Nordic Model", needs to be understood—at least partly—in the context of radical feminism a philosophy which focuses on the theory of the patriarchal roots of inequality between men and women , which is very prominent in Sweden.

Today, the law is largely uncontroversial across the whole political spectrum. The view of prostitution as a legacy of a societal order that subordinates women to men being officially accepted. Consequently, it has become a taboo subject to question the legitimacy and effectiveness of the law. Nevertheless, there is a body of criticism, within and without parliament, but this has had no measurable effect on the official position and party policy see below.

Most of the debate, other than the lobbying from women's groups, took place within the parliament. Only after the law was passed did significant debate take place in public.

There was also interest in the fact that Sweden was quite unique in this regard. Parliamentary activity continued, including the introduction of bills to criminalize the selling of sex, and to promote the Swedish approach and oppose liberalization of laws on prostitution worldwide. In April , the law was amended as part of a reform of sexual crimes to add the clause "That which is stated in the first section also applies if the payment has been promised or made by someone else" to include procurement by a third party, which was acknowledged as a loophole.

Sexual acts with children were also added section 9 , and the Sex Purchase Law was moved to the Penal Code. Ninety one reports were filed in , and a reduction in visible prostitution was noted while acknowledging that estimating the actual activity of prostitution was extremely difficult, and that it was quite possible it had merely gone underground.

The difficulties of enforcement were immediately noted by the police who had opposed the law, and the difficulty in getting a conviction was even harder under Swedish judicial procedure and the rights of citizens. Few of the reports in were concluded. Six convictions were obtained, and fines imposed. Difficulties in even understanding the law were noted, and understandably prostitutes were reluctant to inform or testify against their clients. The Socialstyrelsen National Board of Health and Welfare noted that estimating the extent of prostitution was almost impossible.

A number of reports suggest that prostitution was at a low level in Sweden, and was on the decline, but may have experienced a slight increase in the s. Swedish authorities and activists [64] went on to promote internationally the "Swedish Model". The Government hosted conferences on trafficking, sexual violence, and prostitution as a comprehensive entity, [65] and issued Fact Sheets outlining official Swedish policy in a variety of languages.

A severe threat to society as a whole and indeed the world at large is described. Alliances were formed with prohibitionist anti-trafficking groups such as the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women , [67] and representations made at higher levels such as the European Union, Council of Europe and the United Nations. Subsequently, the Swedish approach has found support amongst abolitionist groups around the world that lobby for similar legislation.

Several European countries have discussed, or are currently discussing, adopting a similar legal system. This approach has met with mixed results. For instance, there has been intense lobbying in Western Australia over the last two government's attempts to reform the law there.

South Korea introduced similar legislation in , followed by Canada in , Northern Ireland in , France in and the Republic of Ireland in Some research into the law comes from outside of Sweden as well.

The number of sex workers working in Sweden before and after law reform has been described as "difficult to determine" by Skilbrei.

They conclude that there is "no reason to assume that these represent the market in its entirety. Some have argued that the most visible effect of the Swedish law, according to the data presented, seemed to be that since the law came into effect, fewer men reported purchasing sex and prostitutes were less visible. However, the data on men reporting purchasing sex has been called into question for a number of reasons.

Firstly, multiple researchers have questioned the influence of legislative change, and the shift from a non-criminal to criminal act being the subject of the question. Secondly, the most frequently cited data on the decrease in reported purchase of sex by men in Sweden is a question based on lifetime purchases of sex.

Given how closely the two surveys were conducted less than a decade apart , it was found to be statistically impossible for the number to drop so significantly. Despite organisations like the Global Network of Sex Work Projects NSWP warning to proceed with extreme caution regarding mapping and population estimates of sex workers, a number of Swedish Model supporters remain enthusiastic quoters of such statistics even though they are also highly unreliable for numerous reasons.

Social workers reported a gradual decline in involvement over a ten-year period and more use of technology. It was unclear how much of this change could be attributed to the law itself. The Swedish government commission SOU In contrast, in the NIKK report, estimates show there are approximately women in street prostitution, and women and 50 men who used the internet indoor prostitution. In Norway , with 4. Furthermore, the number of men reporting the experience of purchasing sex in the national Swedish population samples seems to have dropped from This survey, which obtained responses from men and women between 18 and 74, is now also published in English.

Evaluation of the law creates considerable conceptual burdens, especially given the expansionist claims of the rationale and objectives, which include not only the eradication of prostitution, but also of violence against women, and a cultural shift in sexuality values.

It is important to note that, even before the introduction of this law, Sweden had less prostitution than other European countries.

Monitoring and evaluation of the law was delegated to the Socialstyrelsen , which has produced three reports , , These acknowledged the difficulties in evaluating the situation and provided no hard evidence that the law had in any way achieved its objectives. The report states that street prostitution is on the increase after an initial decline and that customers and prostitutes now use the internet and mobile phone to communicate.

The issue of unintended consequences was raised by critics of the proposed legislation in Sweden in three years before it took place, [95] namely that it would drive women in prostitution underground, increase the risk of violence, harm the most vulnerable, and be almost impossible to enforce, which some claim has happened. Some informants speak of greater risks Police who have studied the occurrence of violence have not found any evidence of an increase The interview data and other research indicate that violence and prostitution are closely linked, whatever sort of legislation may be in effect.

Some observers have noted that practitioners have left Sweden in order to ply their trade elsewhere, Africa being one destination. In , Der Spiegel , a German news magazine, stated that according to the Swedish police, to foreign women are brought to Sweden each year to be prostitutes. In Finland, which is only half the size of Sweden, that number is between 10, and 15, women. That same year, Jonas Trolle, an inspector with a unit of the Stockholm police dedicated to combating the sex trade, was quoted as saying, "We only have between and women, both on the Internet and on the street, active in prostitution in Stockholm today".

Amongst other concerns about the law, taxing the proceeds of prostitution recognized since is raising questions as to the rationality of a law prohibiting purchase.

Stories about prostitution appear almost daily in the media, often with commentary from Gender Equality officials. Opinion polls have shown high public support. The rest "didn't know". The young adult population , particularly women, were most in favor of the law. Respondents included both men and women. The methodology has been criticized.

In , the Swedish government appointed Supreme Court Justice and later Justice Chancellor Justitiekanslern , Anna Skarhed , to lead an official inquiry into the effects that the purchase law has had on prostitution and human trafficking in Sweden. One group of scholars, politicians, and NGOs made a submission to the Commission on 17 March , arguing that the Government should provide a civil rights remedy to people in prostitution in order to support their exiting the trade.

In support of this, they cited a case [] in which it was held that the law did not provide a woman with a civil right to damage awards from a purchaser in a sexual transaction.

It stated that since the introduction of the ban on buying sex, street prostitution had been halved, and that: It was also found that there had been no overall increase in prostitution in Sweden.

The report also acknowledged Internet indoor prostitution as an expanding market, which is more difficult to study and verify than street prostitution, and which, in the last five years, has increased in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark; however, it stated, concurring with the NIKK report above , that "the scale of this form of prostitution is more extensive in our neighbouring countries, and there is nothing to indicate that a greater increase in prostitution over the Internet has occurred in Sweden than in these comparable countries.

This indicates that the ban has not led to street prostitution in Sweden shifting arenas to the Internet. It was also noted that there were many limitations to evaluating the situation of prostitution in Sweden, due to the nature of prostitution and trafficking which are "complex and multifaceted social phenomena which partly occur in secret" and the fact that many empirical surveys had limited scope, and different methodologies and purposes.

Sweden's position on prostitution was re-affirmed: However, based on a gender equality and human rights perspective, The report was sent to the consultation process, where interested groups were provided with the opportunity to comment on it see below. Release of the report attracted many initial commentaries in both English [] [] and Swedish. The law's supporters see the report as affirmation, while critics complain it adds nothing since it is not based on empirical research. They have commented on the lack of methodology and evidence and the failure to adequately consult with prostitutes themselves and have questioned the scientific validity.

They have also raised the question as to whether it should be translated into English only a summary is available to allow a wider examination. At the time of the release of the report, the Littoringate affair see above was occupying the media, leading people to question the law's purpose and underlying rationale when even government ministers were ignoring it. However, the debate continues to be very divisive. Some have considered the numbers on street prostitution in Denmark to be over reported, based on a report from the Danish prostitutes' organization Sexarbejdernes Interesse Organisation SIO.

Other data suggests that any over reporting would not be as large and even if so the number of persons in prostitution in total is many times larger in Denmark than in Sweden and Danish numbers on indoor prostitution were estimated at These numbers were mainly based on advertising, not Reden. Assuming is the number for outdoor prostitution in Denmark, that only amounts to a fourth of prostitution in Denmark.

Therefore, it seems unlikely that street prostitution could be so significantly lower as SIO claims. However, whatever the numbers, the scientific question is whether this has anything to do with the sex purchase law or, rather, reflects historical patterns and cultural attitudes. Two researchers stated that they had evidence, based on cross-national data, that the Swedish ban was an effective counter-trafficking tool, [] but this was criticized on methodological grounds by commentators.

In the United Kingdom, one supporter of the Swedish approach, Julie Bindel , stated that she hoped that the evaluation would put an end to the claims that the sex-purchase law had been detrimental. She also wrote that, "No doubt, critics of this law will soon be arguing that the research that formed the basis of this evaluation is flawed and biased". In Queensland , Australia, the state government body responsible for regulating prostitution, the PLA , issued its own critique of the Skarhed Report, describing it as rhetoric that was not substantiated by evidence.

While many were favourable, those from academic sources, such as the Department of Criminology at Stockholm University were very critical. Their study concluded that there was no evidence to support the official claims.

The Swedish Government announced that it intended to increase the penalty for purchasing sex from six months to one year's imprisonment, effective July 1, Although the political scene had changed by , the parties that had voted against the sex purchase law in , and were now in power, no longer opposed it, and it became a non-partisan issue, although individual politicians still questioned the wisdom of the policy.

On 3 May , Hanna Wagenius [] of the Centre Party Youth introduced a motion to repeal the sex purchase law, arguing that it did not help women involved in prostitution and that trafficking had actually increased since the law came into effect. The motion was passed Abolish the Sex Purchase Law! The law continues to remain controversial in Sweden, with regular debates in the media.

On 30 January , writing in Newsmill , [] Helena von Schantz challenged the Liberal party leadership as to why it supported the lengthening of sentences for buying sex.

In , a research paper on the consequences of the Swedish legislation to sex workers concluded that the realization of the desired outcomes of the legislation is hard to measure, whereas the law has stigmatized the already vulnerable sex workers. It specifically pointed out that this also applies to the Swedish model, claiming it has actually resulted in consequences for the sex workers, even though reported as a success to the public.

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